Class, conservatives insist, is not really about money or birth or even occupation. It is primarily a matter of authenticity, that most valuable cultural commodity. Class is about what one drives and where one shops and how one prays, and only secondarily about the work one does or the income one makes. What makes one a member of the noble proletariat is not work per se, but unpretentiousness, humility, and the rest of the qualities that our punditry claims to spy in the red states that voted for George W. Bush. The nation's producers don't care about unemployment or a dead-end life or a boss who makes five hundred times as much as they do. No. In red land both workers and their bosses are supposed to be united in disgust with those affected college boys at the next table, prattling on about French cheese and villas in Tuscany and the big ideas for running things that they read in books. This sounds like a complicated maneuver, but it should be quite familiar after all these years. We see it in its most ordinary, run-of-the-mill variety every time we hear a conservative pundit or politician deplore 'class warfare' - meaning any talk about the failures of free-market capitalism - and then, seconds later, hear them rail against the 'media elite' or the haughty, Volvo driving 'eastern establishment.'
About this quote
- What does it mean?
- The author argues that conservatives emphasize cultural authenticity over economic class, uniting workers and bosses against perceived elites.
- In plain terms
- Conservatives focus on cultural identity rather than money or job status to define class.
- What can you take from it?
- Cultural solidarity can override economic interests in politics.
Where it applies
Putting it to work
Questions to consider
- How does culture influence economic policy?
Another view
This view may overlook genuine economic grievances among workers.
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